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Written anonymously by H. Zain- uddin, an experienced Acehnese agricultural specialist and nationalist, it demanded that the government abandon its old Atjeh-politiek and take its investigations much further than Keumangan.

Most of the articles anonymously sent in were from Pidie. Three young petty traders of Sigli—Hasan Aly, Peutua Husain, and Djohan Ahmad—were especially active as agents and cor- respondents first for Penjedar, and from August for the new Medan weekly Seruan KitaJ5 An early example of the catalogue of complaints was that of Djohan Ahmad: The importance of the latter issue was made painfully clear in May when the three principal promoters of the press campaign in Pidie were imprisoned on a charge of conspiring against the government, though lack of evidence brought the release of Hasan Aly and Djohan Ahmad.

It was however the third idea for reform, the restoration of the Aceh sultanate, which aroused the strongest emotions in Aceh. In part this was because the government appeared to be seriously considering it, as an extension of the policy of re-emphasizing indirect rule which had recently brought rajas back to Bali and to Goa South Sulawesi. The Volksraad in Batavia had on the whole supported the sultanate in July , in the hope it might reduce the fragmentation of government in Aceh.

These appeals may, as the uleebalang alleged, have been prompted by the leading member of the former royal family, Tuanku Mahmud. I Having no place in the uleebalang power system, some of the old royal family had attached themselves closely to the Dutch.

In December the uleebalang of Aceh Besar urged the government to replace Mahmud by one of their own number for the Volksraad. When the restoration of the sultanate leapt into the headlines the following month, to a background of press denunciations of uleebalang oppression, the more politically conscious among them believed Tuanku Mahmud was at the head of a broad counter-offensive against their positions. In their spirited defence of the status quo in early , they for the first time gave the impression of an organized bloc, representing a particular vested interest.

In reality it was only the rulers of Pidie, led by the former Muhammadiah Consul T. Mohammad Hasan Glumpang Payung , who publicly formed a solid front against a restored sultanate.

At two meetings on 27 January and 4 March they organized an uleebalang committee to fight the sultanate and oppose Tuanku Mahmud as a Volksraad delegate through appeals to government and circulars to their fellow uleebalang. The Governor had some difficulty quietening their campaign in March by attempting to assure them that the govern- ment had no current plans for constitutional changes in Aceh. As Bailey has remarked of the Indian rajas, 'Once such men begin to behave like outsiders [by political campaigning], then inevitably they take on the role of outsiders and lose their place in the moral community of the peasants.

It is particularly significant that the best educated of them, T. Hasan, previously seen as a progressive representative of the nationalist movement, had taken on the role of spokesman. In September he too was explicitly denounced in the Medan press as guilty of a case of oppression as bad as that of his old-fashioned colleagues. Yet the defensiveness with which the uleebalang reacted to these two threats thrust upon PUSA the role of harbinger of change. All of the anti-establishment forces gradually associated themselves with either PUSA or Pemuda PUSA, transforming them in the process into broader and more political organizations.

The first clear sign that PUSA was headed for conflict with the ulee- balang came on predictable religious grounds. Sabi was the only uleebalang to have publicly supported restoration of the sultanate and became a heroic leader of the anti-Dutch revolt in see below , the discus- sions seem likely to have centred on dissatisfaction with the status quo.

Another sign of PUSA'S assumption of the role of spokesman for re- sistance was the promotion in of the fighting ulama Teungku Chik di Tiro as the proper hero of the Aceh war, in place of the ulee- balang T. T h e Dutch initially forbade the principal of the college, Teung- ku Noer el Ibrahimy, to take office because of his past anticolonial writings. Chik Peusangan. He gave it with such bad grace, however, that Daud Beureu'eh subsequently trusted him as little as he did the uleebalang in Pidie.

The approach of war with the Japanese ensured that divisive polemic disappeared from the newspapers, but intensified in men's minds. One of the few who have recorded the tension on the eve of the Pacific war is the Medan Muhammadiah leader, Hamka: The people became ever more conscious of their situation and of their rights.

They had become confident enough to demand their rights and make the rajas aware of their duties. The PUSA movement was seen as dangerous. Immediately, in , people everywhere were asking to establish Muham- madiah. Very many members joined, in hundreds and even thousands, indeed a whole mukim or statelet. Muhammadiah was established in various mukims one after the other. Teuku Cut Hasan worked hard day and night, but it was clear what his pur- pose was.

It was to 'defend' the position of the uleebalang. I was invited to Blang Jeureuen for an open meeting on 7 December ! There, besides the tension in the international situation, the tension could also be clearly felt between the people whose incarnation was PUSA and the uleebalang whose incarnation was Muhammadiah in Aceh. I myself when I met friends from the PUSA group, with whom I had long had good relations, was greeted by them with eyes full of hate.

For I was someone who defended Muhammadiah very strongly. He ridiculed the PUSA organisation. He went beyond the limits of what ought to be said in the Muhammadiah organization. He also discussed politics and history, defending the name of the uleebalang of Aceh, who apparently had been accused by PUSA of being traitors to their people. Politiek Verslag Atjeh, , p. I am indebted to Prof. James Siegel for drawing my attention to this and many other documents in this chapter.

Kreemer, Atjeh, 2 vols. Leiden, E. Brill, , I, p. Teungku is the Acehnese honorific generally used for ulama. Except in eastern Aceh uleebalang used the title Teuku abbreviated T. Liefriijk report, 31 July , pp. The shortage of man- power greatly altered landlord-tenant relations in favour of the latter. In they gave nothing to the landlord for the first three or four years and one-fifth of the crop thereafter, whereas the landlord took half the crop in normal times.

Adatrechtbundels, 27 , p. MvO Atjeh, Lt. Swart, , p. An example of Acehnese resentment of corvee is in the verse epic Hikayat Perang Sabil, ed. Damste, BKI, 84 , pp. See also Liefrink report, , pp.

Broersma, Atjeh, als land voor handel en bedrijf Utrecht, Cohen, , pp. Broersma points out that the twenty-four days theoretical maximum herendienst per year was frequently exceeded, ambitious Dutch officials considering this to be a sign of skilful administration. The opportunity to commute the labour obligation into money was offered to only two districts experimentally in , but to all Aceh by The extent to which this opportunity was used depended of course on economic circumstances.

In the s very few could afford the money equivalent. My translation from A. T h e Hi- kayat Perang Sabil, apparently written in by Teungku Cik Pante Kulu, has survived very adverse circumstances in a number of diverse and scrappy texts.

The most complete published text is that used by Hasjmy, in the form of four stories from Arabic originals with an opening exhortation. Politiek Verslag Atjeh, 1st halfjaar , p. Politiek Verslag Atjeh, 1st halfjaar , pp. Politiek Verslag Atjeh, , pp. A sign of the changing times was the criticism of Dutch overreaction by the nationalist Soangkoepon in the Volksraad; Handelingen, , p.

Less than a quarter of these attacks resulted in the death of the European victim. Liefrink report, 31 July , pp. Broersma, p. Pacificator van Atjeh Maastricht, Neiter- Nypels, , pp. I use this artificial word for an artificial concept which in Dutch was ren- dered landschap or in Aceh uleebalangschap. It was that part of Netherlands India over which the Dutch had acknowledged the hereditary claims of a ruler, who had signed either the Korte Verklaring of complete submission or in the case of six East Sumatran rulers a long Political Contract.

T h e population of such statelets varied from Pameue, in West Aceh to , Deli , and the social realities in many of them were indistinguishable from such directly ruled areas as Aceh Besar. MvO Atjeh, Goedhart, , pp. Brill, , pp. Brill, , II, pp. Siegel, The Rope of God, pp. Siegel, pp. A table of allowances is in Mailr. Piekaar, p. MvO Atjeh, Van Aken, , p. For uleebalang activity in coffee, pepper, and rubber, see ibid.

This information dates from the s and must be treated with caution, particularly in view of the silence of contemporary records. Notably the great compound of T. Oemar at Bireuneun, the capital of Keumangan, described by Broersma, pp. MvO Lammeulo, Scholten, , p. T h e uleebalang concerned were those of three small statelets in Lammeulo onderafdeling: Cot Murong, Andeue, and Truseb.

Piekaar, pp. Zentgraaff, Atjeh Batavia, De Unie, , p. Kreemer, I, pp. Koloniaal Verslag, , cols. Governor Swart did, however, encourage the younger uleebalang around him in Kutaraja to form an exclusively Acehnese 'Sarekat Atjeh', rather than follow the lead from Java. Speech by Abdul Manap at an open-air S. Controleur M. For the air yasin oath see Proces-verbaal Nja' Gam, loc.

In Hindia Sepakat, 9 July , Boedjang claimed his Islam Menjadi Satu had almost 4, members, though Dutch reports suggest it was effectively limited to his own Nisam popn. Boedjang stated his position at great length in a series of articles in the Sibolga daily Hindia Sepakat, edited by the schoolteacher Abdul Manap former S.

The Dutch indictment of the three S. Abul Latif, T. Boedjang, and T. Probably the last representative of this wave of uleebalang resistance was T.

Muhamad Ali Basjah, the uleebalang of Matang Kuli Lhoksukon on- derafdeling who was arrested in , but received with such excitement on his release in that he was rearrested for spreading 'communist' ideas and opposing established authority. MvO Atjeh, Goedhart, , Mailr. Boedjang in Hindia Sepakat, 29 September Ill Like Thajeb and other early nationalists he married a non-Acehnese—a Minangkabau.

In both Dutch and Japanese periods he gained a reputation for courageously speaking his mind to high and low alike. Although he was to fall foul of the revolution see Chapter VII he was declared an Indonesian 'national hero' in MvO Atjeh, Philips, , Mailr.

He attended primary schools in Sigli and Bukittinggi and continued his study at the Teachers' College Kweekschool in Bukittinggi in He assisted his father in administer- ing Glumpang Payung until , when he was brought into provincial government in Kutaraja by the Dutch.

He worked primarily in the office dealing with landschapskas of the statelets, and held the rank of ambtenaar tot beschikking.

In he studied briefly at an administrative school in Java. After succeeding his father as ruler of Glumpang Payung, one of the larger Pidie statelets, he gradually assumed the role of political spokesman for the Pidie uleebalang.

Politieke Nota betreffende T. Sabi, 17 July , Mailr. MvO Atjeh, Swart, , pp. Ibrahim Alfian, in Kirsada, 1, pp. The comparative figures are in Atlas van Tropisch Nederland , p. The leeway being rapidly made up in Aceh is shown by the discrepancy between this figure and the very low figure for literacy in the roman alphabet at the census 1. Samij, in Penjoeloeh 2 December , p. Although various dates between and appear in later literature for the founding of Jamiatul Diniyah, the correct date, 6 March , appears in a contemporary journal, Soeara Atjeh, 15 March Particularly T.

Bintara Pineueng , in whose statelet the first school was established, and T. Muda Dalam Bambi , who was vice-president of the organization in despite his reputation as a playboy. This attendance, for a tabligh in the mosque of Bambi in February , is reported in Politiek Verslag Atjeh, 1st halfjaar , pp. The population of Bambi Statelet was only 5, Moehammaddijah Hadji, pp. Zentgraaff and W. While Moehammaddijah Hadji, p. The phrase is Bapak kesadaran rakyat Aceh.

Some features of the thought of this period are discussed in Siegel, pp. Ismuha, op. Among the. Ismuha, in Sinar Darussalam, 15 July , p. Hoesain Almujahid was born in Idi in , and studied at the local school and the famous Maslurah Islamic secondary school established by the Sultan of Langkat in Tanjung Pura.

He earned his soubriquet in schoolboy fights, being fined once in Idi for punching a Chinese, and once by the kerapatan Langkat for getting into a fight with one of the royal guard. From he taught in religious schools in Langsa and Idi.

Similarly the controleur of Idi told Hoesain Almujahid that he privately sympathized with PUSA'S aims, 'so long as it was not manipulated by the communists'—information from Al- mujahid. Ismail Jakoeb in Pandji Islam, 35 28 August , p.

In the absence of harder data, the Acehnese advertisers in Penjoeloeh provide some indication of the strength of this element. They include 5 small busi- nesses in Sigli 2 in medicines, 2 primarily textiles, and 1 laundry , 2 in Bireuen, and 1 each in Kutaraja and Takengon. A report noted that Acehnese exporters were concentrated in the Pidie region 31 exporters with an average income of f.

James C. MvO Pidie, Van Suchtefln, , p. Atjeher pseud. Zainuddin , 'Atjeh problemen', Penjedar, I, 14 16 November , p. When Saidt left Penjedar during he received a donation from ' T. Laksamana of Njong' to begin Seruan Kita on a similar basis Interview. This could only have been T. Laksamana Hoesin, whose strong claim to succeed to the rulership of Njong had been disregarded by the Dutch, and who had been an executive member of Daud Beureu'eh's Jamiatul Diniyah in Zainuddin] in Penjedar, II, 26 25 June , pp.

Volksraad, Handelingen , pp. IV, stuk 5, pp. MvO Atjeh, Goedhart, , p. Tuanku Mahmud c. He studied at the Batavia MOSVIA school for government officials, and began his government service in Sulawesi before being transferred to the Resident's office in Kutaraja in the mids.

In he had nine months' study leave in Holland, and in Dutch eyes was exceptionally 'courteous and cultivated' Piekaar, p. After entering the Volksraad he contracted a very advantageous marriage with the daughter of the Sultan of Serdang, which advanced his stature as a royal pretender.

Politiek Verslag Atjeh, 1st halfjaar , Mailr. Correspondence regarding restoration of the sultanate in Mailr. Penjedar, II, 5 29 January , p. IPO, 18 February , pp. Teodor Shanin Harmondsworth, Penguin, , p.

Njak Arif's presidency on 8 October Politiek Verslag Atjeh, October , pp. Because Aceh Besar Groot Atjeh was technically directly ruled, the uleebalang there had fewer interests to protect and polarization never became as acute as in Pidie and the North Coast. Nevertheless Njak Arif was already reacting defensively to criticism of the uleebalang in , when he interrupted a Muhammadiah meeting to object to reference to them as 'rajas', since they no longer had real power.

He countered ulama criticism: Amin in Pandji Islam, 25 September , p. Politiek Verslag Atjeh, December , pp. Dutch historians and novelists had given much attention to T. Umar and his wife, Cut Nyak Dien, with the result that the Indonesian nationalist movement had adopted Umar despite his many changes of sides. A biog- raphy of him by Xarim M. See especially Pandji Islam, 1 March , pp.

Ismail Jakoeb's well-researched biography of Chik di Tiro did not appear until Daud Beureu'eh emphasized this incident in a interview. There a sharp antithesis obtained between capital and labour, between ruler and ruled. It was pictured as a bitterly hostile environment, less because of the occasional Batak resistance than because of the tigers and diseases of the forest, and the sullen hatred of the indentured work-force. For the needs of the booming tobacco estates everything was im- ported.

The food, supplies, and men were introduced, morever, not from the established colonial world of Java with its relatively syncretic, hierarchic, Indisch life-style, but from all parts of the world. The mana- gers of the tobacco estates were overwhelmingly Dutch, though the rubber, tea, and oil-palm estates which developed in the twentieth century brought an equal number of British, Americans, French, and Swiss. The assistants on the estates were a very mixed bag, drawn by the high wages and call of adventure directly from Europe.

One just must be able to shout well at the coolies. The estate managers had European wives, the assistants took Javanese concubines; the two ranks did not mix socially whatever their respective social origins in Europe. These distinctions, however, paled before the absolute tyranny of race.

Every fortnight this solidarity and mastery was celebrated in drunken, boisterous ritual at the club on the hari besar holiday. T h e twentieth century rolled the plantation frontier back, and created settled amenities for the European population which were second to none in the Indies. Yet the Deliaan, as planters of the whole plantation district were proud to call themselves, remained a distinct type, stereo- typed as coarse, hard-drinking, impatient of 'culture', of civil servants, or whatever else interfered with the efficient accumulation of profits.

But if he had many contacts with Malaya, Europe, and America, he had few with Indonesians except in the most menial capacity. The 11, Europeans of East Sumatra , who included relatively few Eurasians, were separated by a wide gulf from the other peoples of the Residency. Even in the relatively progressive atmosphere of the Senembah-company, Tan Malaka found the gulf impassable: This paranoia reached its most hysterical point in , when attacks on Europeans by desperate indentured labourers reached a peak.

T h e fact that a woman, the wife of a planter at Parnabolan, in Simalungun, was killed in such an attack became the occasion for a great campaign among the Deliaan. The funeral was widely attended, telegrams of outrage descended on the Governor-General and the Queen, and preparations were made to ensure that planters could defend themselves if they were not protected by a 'weak' government.

The movement climaxed with a privately convened meeting on 16 July , attended by 2, 'Fatherlanders', demanding sterner measures.

The Indonesian daily Pewarta Deli, which had the courage to dismiss the murder as a 'small matter' perkara kecil , earned the bitter hostility of the whole European community. T h e chairman of the 16 July meeting launched the local branch himself less than a month later.

The East Sumatran branch of the N. The branch was rewarded by visits from the Dutch party's leaders, Mussert and Van Geelkerken, who drew crowds of up to Europeans in Medan. From the beginning the planters found the indigenous population un- willing to toil on their terms.

In the violent pioneering s Chinese labour was in effect 'bought' by the payment of large sums to 'coolie-brokers' in Singapore and Penang, to overcome the notoriety of Deli among mi- grants.

From the Deli tobacco planters began to bring about 7, Chinese labourers a year directly from China. About half a million Chinese had entered East Sumatra on contracts by the s, although the peak was passed with the tobacco boom of the late s, when up to 20, entered annually. Though continuing to insist that only Chinese tobacco- growers would guarantee the high standards of the famous Deli wrapper leaf, the tobacco estates increasingly used Javanese indentured labour in other tasks.

The coffee estates which began in the s, and the rubber, tea, and oil-palm which expanded rapidly after , relied exclusively on Javanese. The composition of the total plantation force changed as follows: Labour conditions were governed by the Coolie Ordinance of , which provided a maximum of three years' contract, after which the labourer had to be returned to his place of recruitment. The inadequate protection this provided in practice was dramatically shown in the pamphlet De millioenen uit Deli , and the ensuing inquiry.

More elaborate standards and safeguards were then devised, and by the s it could generally be said that the health, education, and social amenities for workers in East Sumatra were relatively good. They remained, however, neither free nor well remunerated. The min- imum daily wage for male labour on initial contracts in East Sumatra fluctuated between 30 cents per day and 55 cents In , when a government survey was made, the minimum contract labourers' wage was 42 cents, while the figure for factory labour was 5 3 cents, and unskilled urban workers were receiving 80 cents.

What kept the indentured labourers at their task was the 'penal sanc- tion' which the Coolie Ordinance attached to their contracts. Workers who left their job or neglected their duties were subject to fines or imprisonment. Elaborate fingerprint records were maintained to trace the workers who ran away.

From the beginning of the century Dutch 'ethici' fought against this penal sanction, and from the government was theoretically committed to its gradual abolition. Almost nothing was achieved until , when the Blaine amendment to the U.

Harimau putih bukan

Tariff Act barred with the effect from imports of tobacco produced under the penal sanction. The world depression spoke even more strongly to the tobacco companies, making it more of a problem to dispense with contract labourers than to hire free ones. Belatedly, therefore, a healthier labour pattern was forced upon the estates of East Sumatra.

One symptom of the unhealthiness of the earlier relationship based on force was the frequency of attacks on European and Javanese labour bosses by indentured labourers who could stand it no longer.

In the rough pioneering days violence on both sides of the labour relation was to be expected.

Yet even in the s, when labour conditions were carefully regulated, such attacks were common- place. Although planters denied that the penal sanction had any connex- ion with the attacks, experience proved them wrong. The attacks almost ceased with the decline of the penal sanction. In the s, therefore, the estates were losing their earlier aspect of an 'outdoor prison'. T h e Chinese contract labour force had virtually disappeared, and those members of it who were not repatriated were in the course of being absorbed into the flourishing Chinese merchant community of East Sumatra.

T h e Javanese estate labourers, about one-quarter of whom were by now women, were also taking on a more settled character. Overpopulation steadily increased the number of landless in Java, and many Javanese labourers therefore welcomed the opportunity to remain after their contracts in Deli. Many more became subsistence farmers in land around the fringes of the estates, where they frequently obtained titles from the kerajaan. Already in the census Javanese formed the largest single ethnic group in East Sumatra.

Like the Chinese, how- ever, if for different reasons, they played a minimal part in the political and social life of the residency. Those on the estates were tightly con- trolled and effectively sealed off from any outside political activity.

Harimau tiongkok selatan

Those who had left were still tainted by association with the semi-captive 'coolie'. T h e contradictions inherent in Dutch indirect rule were nowhere more acute than in these three wealthy sultanates. As the twen- tieth century progressed, bringing ever greater government centraliza- tion on the one hand and an increased theoretical emphasis on localized 'self-rule' on the other, these contradictions became ever more pressing.

Both planters and government officials had found the Malay sultan- ates extremely convenient in the first half-century of western development. The planters obtained very advantageous terms for their concessions, and found the system of bribes and perquisites with which they kept the goodwill of the Malay elite much cheaper than the taxation of a modern government structure. For government, the rajas provided not only the basic pretext for a Dutch presence, but an inexpensive intermediary to the baffling complexity and autonomy of Batak social structure, and an invaluable shield with which to cloak the more unpopular government measures—in particular those directed against the demands of the national movement.

Yet the Dutch B. Binnenlandse Bestuur—the European administrative serv- ice constantly judged the 'loyalty' of the sultans in terms of their immediate implementation of Dutch suggestions in all matters of im- portance to the central government—a category which expanded steadily. In a bureaucracy as extensive as the B.

The big three East Sumatra rulers had a number of advantages, however, over most of their colleagues in either Netherlands India or Malaya. Their Political Contracts allowed them autonomous adminis- trative and juridical structures of completely aristocratic-Malay composi- tion, with full nominal responsibility in a number of areas.

One of these areas was land, which of course explained the special concern of the estates for the welfare of the rulers. By paying large sums to the rulers personally as persen tanah when each land concession was made, the estates ensured that the annual rental was fixed very low. A good example of the advantage the estates drew from the sultanates was the debate of the s over the terms on which the plantations would have their land under the new erfpacht long lease regulations.

Although the estates had been accustomed to paying a minimal rent of f. By , the planters' organizations had succeeded in persuading the pliable Sultans of Deli and Langkat to accept a figure of f. As a planters' representative said in defence, this was simply 'the policy followed by the tobacco enterprises towards the sultans for years'.

Even after the distinction was established between the landschapskas treasury of each statelet and the personal income of its rulers, a large percentage of the royalties from estates and in Langkat from oil continued to flow to the sultans and their datuks.

In This compared with Even in Dutch efforts had brought the proportions down only to a little less than a third of the revenues in each case. The dissatisfaction of Indonesian 'intellectuals' from other regions over the conservatism and extravagance of the rulers could be dismissed as the grumblings of foreigners.

For the immediate Malay and Karo subjects of the sultans there was little cause for complaint. The Malays in particular, numbering only 40, They had not disputed the right of their rajas and datuks to alienate land to the estates in the early days, nor had they been disappointed in the share of the proceeds they received.

In practice the tobacco estates tended to ignore this clause, preferring to plant where it suited them throughout the concession. So precious was the unique Deli wrapper leaf that the planters were prodigal with the land, con- vinced that any one plot should be planted in tobacco no more than once every eight or nine years.

This rotation system allowed the estates to turn over the fields from which tobacco had been harvested for one year's cultivation of food crops, before they reverted to fallow for the intervening six or seven years.

Each family was allotted each year a jaluran of 0.

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Those Malay farmers who continued to enjoy these lots as well either used them as orchards or leased them to Chinese or Javanese.

Later acts of concession wrote the pro- vision of jaluran into the obligations of the estates. The tax burden on subjects of the major sultanates was also rela- tively light.

Most aristocrats were exempt from herendienst, and the rulers did not usually press it on subjects for whom it was a burden. For Malays content with their traditional lot, the estates had made life both secure and comfortable. But dependence had sapped many of the habits and talents required in the new commercial economy of the region. By the late s, when virtually all the land in the Malay areas of the three sultanates was occupied by estates, jaluran were almost the only form of Malay agriculture.

There was scarcely any planting of cash crops or intensive rice cultivation in irrigated fields. Few parts of Indo- nesia showed such a complete dearth of Indonesian downloaders, middlemen and exporters. Small trade was overwhelmingly in Chinese hands. The reduction of planting during the depression years, and consequent reduction of jaluran, threw the whole system in the balance. Having long seen themselves as the most privileged community of the region by reason of their close and comfortable clientship to the rulers, the Malays discovered they were also the most vulnerable, facing an uncertain future without the land, the talents, or the power the situation demanded.

The Karo Batak subjects of the three big sultanates 28, in Langkat and 37, in Deli-Serdang in were in a less dependent position, even though they showed an equal enthusiasm for tobacco jaluran where they could obtain them. The Karos were overwhelmingly con- centrated in the so-called dusun literally: Until the coming of Dutch administration and the estates their basic socio-political unit had been the village kuta , governed, as in other Batak areas, by mem- bers of the founding marga.

A kinship link was acknowledged to the parent village perbapaan of a group of villages, but it was at the level of the kuta that land was controlled. As a consequence of continuing Karo resistance to estates in the dusun the Dutch es- tablished direct contacts with them in and channelled one-sixth of estate royalties to the Karo village headmen. Some Karo villages in tobacco areas established the same dependence on jaluran as the Malays.

In the higher land of the dusun perennial crops particularly rubber were more typical, and most Karos oscillated between casual work on the estates and shifting cultivation on their 4-hectare plots. The sultans had traditionally dealt with the Karos through datuks, who though of Karo descent had long identified themselves as Malay and Muslim.

These datuks had built the rudiments of Malay-style courts near the frontier between Karo and Malay settlements, and operated independently for most purposes.

The Karos of the dusun had traded with the datuks lower down their respective rivers, and sometimes supported them in wars, without ever being directly administered by them. Dutch rule, however, having made the initial decision to include the Karo dusun within the Malay kerajaan, steadily extended the sultans' bureaucratic and judicial sway over them. A hierarchy of Karo officials was established beneath each datuk, who in turn was subordinated to the bureaucracy of the sultanate.

There were nine Malay statelets in the three great basins of the Rokan, Siak, and Kampar rivers, but eight of them were underpopulated and poor, and their rajas under the terms of the Korte Verklaring had virtually no bargaining power with the Dutch. Even after these claims were bought out by the Dutch in , Siak had difficulty accepting the formal equality of the upstart Sultans of Deli and Langkat, despite the opulence which had flowed to the latter from Dutch enterprises.

Ethnically its , people were relatively homogeneous, with some 30, Mi- nangkabaus the only complication. Only here was there a class of sub- stantial Indonesian merchants, trading in the smallholder rubber and copra which were grown within the sultanate.

In there were indigenous traders in Siak with incomes in excess of f. T o the Dutch, however, it appeared maddeningly independent, backward, and corrupt. Here however the estates grew rubber or oil palm rather than tobacco, and there were no jaluran to distort the traditional pattern of agriculture.

Although little waste land remained by , enough was in Indonesian hands for a healthy smallholder production of export crops. The five small statelets of the Batubara confederation derived from eighteenth century Minangkabau immigration, and were held together by kinship rather than monarchy.

In the sultanate of Asahan, much the largest statelet in the district, the orang Asahan were predominately of Toba Batak descent. The Islamic majority considered itself Malay rather than Batak, but a form of Toba Batak was still the mother tongue of most of them.

The aristocracy of Asahan by the s appeared more businesslike, more co-operative with the Dutch bureaucracy, and less given to pomp and extravagance, than their colleagues in the other Malay sultanates. Immediately to the south of the Asahan sultanate were four more small Malay statelets of the Labuhan Batu sub-district. Three of these shared with the Batubara statelets the stern terms of the Korte Verklar- ing, their treasuries pooled and under complete Dutch control. The reasons for the anomalous status of this statelet of only 36, people were partly his- torical, and partly the longevity of its stubborn ruler, father-in-law to the Sultan of Langkat.

As the modern economy penetrated Kualuh in the s, however, the extravagant pretensions of this old man became a source of additional tension. The easy relations between Toba Batak and Malay in the Asahan district were altered somewhat with the Christianization of the Toba homelands, widespread by The Toba emigrants from Tapanuli to Asahan in the s were typically Christian, and did not melt like their predecessors into the 'Malay' coastal community through rapid Islamization.

In the census there were already 27, who declared themselves Batak or Toba Batak in the Asahan district. After the depres- sion of the s the migration became a flood as western plantations developed rapidly in the district, pressure on land in Tapanuli inten- sified, and the 'Toba-Asahan' road provided easy access.

Most migrants went to work on the new estates, though in the Labuhan Batu sub- districts in particular there was still land available for them to open farms of their own. A report noted that the Bataks had penetrated almost to the coast in Kualuh, while the Indrapuri statelet in Batubara had become almost wholly Batak and its neighbours heavily so.

At the death of each ruler, however, the bonds were tightened and the incomes reduced for his younger successor. The thrust of Dutch policy was consistently towards eenhoofdig unitary rule whereby tributary rajas, in name or in fact, were gradually reduced to functionaries of one of the more successful sultanates. This emphasis in the long run only further accentuated the 'problem' of the major sultans. The 'problem' came to a head in the depression years, when both the estates and the kerajaan treasuries experienced unprecedented diffi- culties.

It drastically reduced Dutch tolerance, however, for their extravagance and self- indulgence. The earlier estate practice of overcoming or precluding resistance on land questions by lavish gifts to the influential Malay elite began to seem a luxury.

The estates increasingly resorted to the courts when they did not get what they wanted, and sought to collect debts from the Malay tengkus instead of writing them off for political reasons.

If anything the extravagance of the sultans and their circle seemed to increase in the depression years as appeals to royal patronage became more frequent. The competition among the Malay aristocracy for the lavishness of their entertainment and the luxuriousness of their limou- sines had reached a level that had little relation to earning power. By the bad debts of the Serdang court had become so notorious that European financiers refused any further loans, driving the sultan in- creasingly into the hands of Indian moneylenders.

The sultan's debts were thought to have reached about , guilders in , but by they were revealed as just over a million. Sultan Machmoed of Langkat, with a much larger income, had built a spectacular debt of f. For Machmoed, always suspicious and unsure of himself, this became a further source of acute anxiety.

The creditors were paid off with massive loans from the landschapskas of oil-rich Kutei East Kalimantan , while all the Sultans' incomes except a fixed monthly allowance were devoted to repayment of these loans.

Ezerman, the Governor who grappled with these problems at their worst, laid all the blame at the feet of the sultans and their bevy of dependent tengkus, ignoring the Dutch role in bringing the situation about. In the Malay states here there stands. In all attempts. I cannot do it because for us only the ego exists and we have no feeling for your societal principle.

It is not hostile, simply fruitless. The only remedy he could see for the situation was a drastic reduction in the autonomy of the sultans, and he was frustrated to find this ran counter to all the favourite schemes for decentralization in Batavia.

His governor- ship dramatically accented at an even earlier period the trend we have noticed in Aceh, of a decline in the return Dutch officials thought they were getting from the rajas.

Ezerman's successors were more tactful in handling the Malay rulers, but they did not differ in their basic assessment. The respect and consideration which the Malay rulers formerly enjoyed has gradually declined, and people have come to regard most rulers here as having power in consequence of the political contracts indeed it is these that give authority, not the love and affection of their people , and as nouveaux- riches, but not as good leaders.

There is criticism now and it is malicious. Formerly this criticism did not exist, people were satisfied with the aura which used to hang around the sultans. It moved a later governor to the optimistic view that internal pressures would eventually be sufficient to democratize the kerajaan. Only the oldest and most forceful of the rulers, X Sultan Soeleiman of Serdang, took an interest in the option. He infu- riated the government not only by the extravagance he shared with his colleagues, but also by a stubborn distrust of Dutch intentions which sometimes operated in his subjects' interests.

While the other sultans tended to surround themselves with Europeans, he employed two Jap- anese in his palace and patronized a number of nationalists.

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He fought hard for a better deal from the estates in the negotiations, and checked the desire of some Dutch officials to levy heavy corvee in the building of roads. Their only strength was in their weakness, offering a more malleable front to both the estates and the government than either could expect from a more democratic alternative. The differences between these two distinct Batak sub-groups, however, were as wide as they were instructive.

Alone of the Bataks, the Simalungun sometimes also called Timur Bataks had developed an institution which the Dutch and Malays could rec- ognize as kingship. T h e system of exogomous marga or clans existed among them as among other Bataks, but it occupied a less central role in land-holding and village government.

Land was held not only by the dominant marga of a particular village, but by the larger village community itself, through its hereditary ruler. Perhaps in imitation of the neighbouring Malay states, the Simalungun village clusters were therefore able to develop towards petty monarchies by absorbing neigh- bours or accepting tribute from them.

Dutch rule battened gratefully upon this appearance of monarchy. In seven distinct urung statelets were recognized and their rajas signed the Korte Verklaring of submission to the Dutch. The budgets of the seven statelets were tightly controlled by the B.

The three statelets of Pane, Siantar, and Tanah Jawa became an integral part of the East Sumatran plantation district, with rubber and tea the principal crops. Almost a third of the total area of Simalungun was alienated to estates by , and the Javanese who came with the estates outnumbered the Simalunguns. Besides their salaries of f. Simalungun farmers were heavily taxed when compared either to farm- ers elsewhere in the residency or to non-farmers in Simalungun. If the Simalungun were discontented with this situation, however, they were too traditional and rural a community to make it known.

Simalunguns were scarcely represented in the secular political movement, and Islamic movements could involve only the small Muslim minority. A non-Simalungun GERINDO leader in Siantar complained that 'it was quite difficult to get the uneducated followers to understand that the rajas were the agents kakitangan of colonialism'. The Rhen- ische Mission attempted to extend its success among the Toba Batak by establishing a mission in the Simalungun statelet of Raya in Christian Tobas were encouraged to migrate to agriculturally undevel- oped Simalungun, to give an example not only of Christian living but of wet-rice agriculture in permanent, bunded fields.

The government also encouraged this migration and provided irrigation channels, as a means of easing the gross food deficit in the East Sumatra residency. By there were 26, Tobas in Simalungun, by , 42,, and by , 50, The rice terraces they built around Pematang Siantar and in Tanah Jawa were a model for the slash-and-burn farmers of the rest of the residency.

It was nevertheless the few hundred Simalungun Christians who led the movement to assert a separate cultural identity, at a gathering in Raya in to celebrate a lean quarter century of evangelization. A committee Na Ra Marpodah was formed to promote purity of Sim- alungun language and custom, and produced a stream of translations and tracts.

One consequence was a marked increase in the rate of Chris- tianization. Another was a greater self-awareness of Simalunguns in general, which ultimately ensured that they would reject the path of identification with either the Christian Tobas or the coastal Malayo- Muslims. Although the government had initially given the Tobas a favoured and autonomous position, by the s it was showing both impatience with their unruliness and anxiety at their growing numbers.

Greater stress was placed on their obligations to the Simalungun rajas, to whom the migrants had been theoretically subject since The natural reluctance of the Toba farmers to accept 'feudal' obligations to which they were not accustomed reached a breaking point in Four hun- dred Toba farmers emigrated from Simalungun in protest against the high irrigation fees charged by the statelets, and protest meetings were held in Tapanuli when the government imprisoned the leaders of the movement.

Three years later a committee was formed among Tobas in Simalungun to fight the saro system. The 77, Karos in who lived on the plateau beyond coastal Malay influence were traditionally as free of notions of statehood as their Toba cousins. The basic social unit was the kesain hamlet , of which there were about in Karoland, many of them grouped together into villages governed jointly by the penghulu of their kesain.

In Toba areas the influence of the missions had helped the colonial regime to understand and partly come to terms with this statelessness. However Dutch rule entered Karoland from the east coast, and Tapanuli the Toba and Mandailing area from the west. Ever since our establish- ment [in Karoland] we have striven to make an end to this multiplicity of rulers, which was in fact no democracy, but anarchy. The administration immediately battened upon the wrung, a grouping of villages ruled by the same marga and acknowledging the primacy of a common parent village.

Fifteen wrung were acknowledged, and the Dutch attempted to rule through the penghulu of the parent village as if he were a hereditary raja. As this number was still unwieldy, five prominent chiefs were designated as sibayak55 governing two or more wrung, and these signed the Korte Verklaring in The realities of power obliged the Dutch to acknow- ledge two or more joint claimants to these novel offices in the early years, but by supporting the one who lived longest they had by the s established what looked like hereditary ruling dynasties of si- bayak and raja urung.

In reality, 'if one sees how a sibayak or a raja urung is even now received in a kesain one realizes his authority must be very slight, and previously must have been still less'. Sibayak were paid a salary averaging f. This may be the basis for the description of her in the Babad Demak History of Demak Sabariyanto , where she is said to have an enor- mous body with thick hair and tusk-like teeth, three hand-spans long.

Her breasts are enormous and she snores loudly in her sleep. Most of my informants in East Java were unaware of the court connection, unlike those living in Yogyakarta and in Parang Tritis and Parang Kusuma, all in Central Java, who, being near the court and its ritual centres, were aware of the connection.

Nyi Blorong Until the actress Suzzanna14 portrayed her in , Nyi Blorong was a rela- tively obscure figure. This wealth, however, turns out to be as ephemeral as the sexual satisfaction, and after seven years the beneficiary must pay by being physically made part of her palace.

Subiyanto Hr. All five engage in free love with both men and women. The only exception is a rather deviant one by Harnaeni Hamdan. In the case of the Sundanese ipri Wessing ; Rosidi , whom Nyi Blorong closely resembles, this fate can be postponed if the supplicant brings her other human sacrifices. Wormser attributes the suffering-for-wealth aspect to Nyai Roro Kidul. In summary, in both the court and the coastal traditions Nyai Roro Kidul is associated with underworld elements like ish and snakes naga.

In the court tradition she originated as a princess who entered the ocean to be cured of a skin disease, while in the coastal tradition her origins are unknown. In both she is the Queen of an underwater realm who enjoys an active sex life: in the court tradition with Panembahan Senopati and his heirs, whose liaisons with her legitimates their power, and in the coastal tradition just to satisfy her lust and to add to her palace staf in exchange for good catches.

Nyi Blorong shares with the Queen the association with snakes and sexual license, though Nyi Blorong exchanges it for personal wealth rather than for political power or general welfare. Nyi Blorong makes her supplicants physically part of her palace rather than using them as servants or lovers.

All these elements are exploited in the ilms, to which I now turn. Screen goddesses The films we will be looking at can, with one possible exception, be placed in two categories: the ones made for the theatre, in which Nyai Roro Kidul or Nyi Blorong play essential and active roles in the story, and those made for television, in which they are relatively passive background figures who occasionally exercise a deus ex machina function.

The possible exception is the film Anugerah Nyi Roro Kidul,17 which like the television films is more a family drama featuring the Queen than a film in which she plays an active role.

Their costume therefore invokes the past and royalty see Plate 3. The association with snakes is made abundantly clear in most of the ilms. In Nyi Blorong Putri Nyi Roro Kidul Nyi Blorong hatches from a naga egg, and snakes writhe Medusa-like on her head in Petualangan Cinta Nyi Blorong see 17 When available, the release date and details about the cast and the like for the films discussed here can be found on the websites mentioned in the list of films.

In both ilms she travels in a lying naga carriage, similar to the one used by the Queen in Plate 1. A similar carriage also appears in the made-for- television Nyai Roro Kidul that I viewed in Although neither has much of a role in the episodes made for television, where they act primarily as sage observers who interestedly keep track of the human protagonists Misteri Dua Alam: Mustika Nyi Roro Kidul, Indosiar 17 April , when they do appear, snakes and snake symbolism are abundantly present.

Nyai Roro Kidul rides in a naga carriage, while in Mustika Nyi Roro Kidul she is said to be an incarna- tion of a cobra ular sendok. In the myths as recounted above, the sexual aspect of the two igures plays a relatively important, though not dominant part. The Queen trysts with Panembahan Senopati, in the process giving him power over his future realm Wessing b , and in the coastal tradition she desires young men as lovers. Nyi Blorong demands sexual satisfaction from men in return for wealth.

In the ilms this aspect is exploited to the degree that Pembalasan Ratu Laut Selatan was temporarily forbidden by the censors, which only added to its allure. So jealous is she of this prerogative that in Kutukan Nyai Roro Kidul she kills a painter who not only wears a green T-shirt to the beach, but also has the temerity to use his girlfriend as a model for the Queen, wearing a green dress in the painting.

Even when in ordinary street clothes, as in Pembalasan Ratu Laut Selatan, the Queen is recognizable by an obvious piece of green clothing. When shooting Kisah cinta Nyi Blorong, the star Joice Erna established spiritual contact with the Queen to ask per- 19 A newspaper advertisement for Ajian Ratu Laut Kidul used the words terberani most daring , erotisme eroticism and permainan asmara love play.

It is also the age group that, with its awakening sexuality, would be drawn by the sometimes not so implicit sexual activity portrayed in the films. The middle-class teenagers I interviewed in had all seen most of the films made about her, primarily on television.

Dislodged tales mission both to portray her daughter and to wear green. So irmly do people believe in her monopoly on this colour that I have never seen a Javanese wearing green on the Indian Ocean beach in East or Central Java, and, when the ilm Ajian Ratu Laut Kidul was playing in Jember East Java in , it was cautioned that if one wore green to the theatre, Nyai Roro Kidul would possess the wearer.

Summarizing, we see that the ilms exploit the symbolic association of the Queen and Nyi Blorong with the colour green, snakes and sexual license, especially the later, giving viewing the ilms a cachet of naughty or even sin- ful entertainment.

As we have seen, the details of the two mythologies also tend to spill over into each other, in the ilms and the literature alike.

Thus Purbatjaraka , I has people petitioning the Queen for wealth and paying the same price that Nyi Blorong usually exacts Van Hien Whether or not the two mythologies were always related in this way Jordaan ; Schlehe does not mater: Nyai Roro Kidul now has a daughter. When the nail is removed, she immediately returns to her old self. This idea of spiking a spirit to render it impotent derives from beliefs about the sun- del bolong or kuntilanak,23 which was featured in the Malaysian film Kun- tilanak; Harum sundal malam and is known throughout the Malay world and into the Philippines.

Joice Erna is not alone in asking for permission to portray the Queen or her daughter. The actress Suzzanna, moreover, is reputed to practise Javanese mysticism daily, making her the best candidate to portray Nyi Blorong Film-film horor What mattered to them was the story as such Fish n.

A concern with such authenticity or originality may well be an academic burden. In Flores it is known as logo lia Forth She has disordered hair, a muti- lated face, and a hole bolong in her back Wessing a; Eringa ; Prawirasuganda Metal objects, knives, or swords and lances are used as protection against her malign influence Sell , while in Flores a spike is inserted into her head to render her harmless Forth Another intertextual reference, which reinforces the connection with both sex and snakes, is to the story of Ken Dedes, the legendary founding queen of the royal house of Singhasari.

It was said of Ken Dedes that she had a luminous or laming vulva and that the man who could possess her would become a universal ruler Brandes In one tale the snake emerges and, caught by the famous Muslim saint Sunan Kali Jaga, turns into a keris, a ritual dagger Prawirasuganda In Kutukan Nyai Roro Kidul the role of the Sunan is taken by an ustadz, a religious teacher, who marries a woman whose vulva the Queen has infested with a snake and several of whose husbands perished on their wedding night.

He then refrains from consummating his marriage for forty days. Impatient, the snake inally appears, is caught, and the woman is healed. In Pembalasan Ratu Laut Selatan the Queen, here cast as an evil character, kills men by copulating with them, in the process of which the snake residing in her vulva bites of their penises.

One man catches the snake, however, and it turns into a keris, which eventually kills the Queen herself. In Ajian Ratu Laut Selatan, on the other hand, the snake placed within the female protago- nist by the Queen is a weapon with which the woman defeats the truly evil village head and his henchmen. When it shows itself, the snake appears from above her belt rather than during sexual activity. A last external reference is to shape shiting, because both Nyai Roro Kidul and Nyi Blorong can switch between being beautiful women and being snakes.

While under certain socially controlled conditions shape shiting may be valued, for example when done by a curer or a shaman, it is generally associ- ated with socially uncontrolled, dangerous magic and evil intentions Wessing and is frowned upon, especially in more strict Muslim circles that 25 Dr. Dislodged tales tend to disapprove of things mystical. Cops, clowns, and preachers Not part of the original mythology, but usually present in the film versions, are elements like policemen, clowns, and religious leaders.

Even though, as Sen and Hill write, Indonesian films are not supposed to put the police in a bad light, an informant pointed out that the tendency in these films is to have the cops arrive, often in excessive numbers Bangunnya Nyi Roro Kidul , when the action is over and the criminals have been neutralized.

Village government, too, is often portrayed as weak and unable to oppose the criminals, which may reflect reality, as an informant pointed out. Bokir27 and his sidekick Dorman are statements about good intentions and human frailty.

In the televi- sion series Legenda Ular Putih, to the contrary, the shape-shifting snake-woman opposes an evil sorcerer, and together with her human sweetheart stands for righteousness. This theme is repeated by another actor in Bangunnya Nyi Roro Kidul.

He is part of the ilm but, like the audience, can only stand by and watch the main drama unfold. If Bokir comments on the story line and on the position of the com- mon man in Indonesia today, these spiritual igures are part of a nation-wide debate about the nature and future of Indonesian society. This debate is car- ried on between the side of Islamic modernization and those who, actively or passively, continue to participate in what the modernizers of religion at best label as superstition and at worst as syirik idolatry.

As noted earlier, belief in all kinds of supernatural beings and their powers for good or ill is still very common. So too is the fear of sorcery, which many believe to be still widely practised,37 a belief that is relected in the ilms as well.

However, although this policy its in with the greater freedom to express religious points of view in the post-Soeharto era, it cannot be said that the ilms as a whole have shown a greater religious emphasis since then. Indeed, the depiction of our two mythological igures in the ilms is remarkably balanced. In fact, a teenage informant complained that portrayals of the Queen tend to be too tame, making the ilms less atractive to his age group, who prefer ilms that are serem terrifying.

If in Balinese theatre the gap to be bridged is between the past and the present, in these films it is one created by the fact that, unlike in live theatre, the audience is not physically present at the perfor- mance, but is a step removed into the anonymity of a movie theatre.

On the challenges faced by Balinese performers when their audiences are removed, see Hobart Plate 1. Nyai Roro Kidul, poster. Artist: Soehieb. Plate 2. Nyi Blorong. Painting and photograph by Frans Erkelens. Used with permission. Plate 3. Nyai Roro Kidul. Plate 4.

Dislodged tales observed earlier, in the made-for-television ilms Nyai Roro Kidul and Mustika Nyi Roro Kidul she mainly acts as a deus ex machina who helps foil the forces of disorder.

In only two ilms, Kutukan Nyai Roro Kidul and Pembalasan Ratu Laut Selatan , neither of which star Suzzanna, is she portrayed as a purely evil creature, a spirit out only for her own interests. In the later ilm this is because she is trying to regain an object that was stolen from her. In most ilms about her she lectures people on the dire consequences of their desire for instant wealth.

In Petualangan cinta Nyi Blorong she chides the fake sorcerer Bokir for his phony act, and his gullible clients for believing in such nonsense, while in Kisah cinta Nyi Blorong she advises the petitioner not to ask for wealth.

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The moral message, Schlehe observes, is that those who go to the spirits for wealth, rather than earning it through their own labours, will receive their just rewards. This bal- anced portrayal of our two personages notwithstanding, in many ilms magic and sorcery are very negatively valued. Though this is oten true, in Kutukan Nyai Roro Kidul the Islamic teacher arrives rather early in the ilm and immedi- ately makes his mark: using only one hand, he prevents a woman from being molested — in his other hand he holds his bag.

He then prevents the leading lady from being lynched, teaches the village to pray and leave sin behind, marries the leading lady, releases her from the snake in her vulva, and goes of with her, probably to spread the word of God somewhere else. Similarly, in Santet; Ilmu pelebur nyawa, the Islamic teacher calls on God and subdues the spirit that has been upseting order in the village.

Mentioning government slogans like Pancasila39 and the law, and admonishing people not to take the law into their own hands jangan main hakim sendiri , he takes the hand of the female lead and walks of with her. Even those in league with the forces of disorder can be redeemed, as long as they bertobat repent Nyi Blorong: Titisan Ratu Nagandini : in the presence of a religious leader, sorcerers and 38 For example Kafir Satanic and the Misteri Ilahi series shown on the television channel TPI.

In Malam Satu Suro the sundel bolong, when finally returning to her own ghostly realm, admonishes her son to grow up to be of service to his religion, people and country. Interestingly, however, none of my informants mentioned that belief in the Queen or Nyi Blorong was forbidden by religion. Of course, this is not some- thing idiosyncratically Indonesian, but rather inherent in how stories work.

Moving on from there, the ilmmaker is free to add additional elements, for example by referring to other mythologies, especially where this adds spice to the tale he is telling. The ilmmaker is relatively free here because each telling of the tale is in principle a new one and thus a reconstruction, constrained by the context of its presentation. This then allows new elements to be incorporated into the story and new interpretations to be given to old story lines. Thus the stories have a greater freedom to develop, unrestricted by particular local param- eters, while at the same time, as discussions with viewers showed, being subject to testing against the local truths held by the individual viewers Fish n.

The addition of the religious leader places the tale in a wider, national perspective, addressing supra-local questions about the nature of modernity, the place and reality of mythological igures, and the parameters of being an Indonesian Muslim in the present time. In any case, the Queen is said to have embraced the Muslim faith Woodward , note 27; Ricklefs In his novel Perang the celebrated au- thor Putu Wijaya integrates elements like modern weapons, mobile phones, and computers into the Bharata Yuda War.

Dislodged tales far from resolved. This is, of course, far truer of television than of ilms shown in local theatres, whose audiences are assemblies of relative strangers who do not necessarily all have the same reference points Hatley Therefore, rather than considering television and VCD discs as intrusive and external, it is perhaps beter to see them as yet another local or localized source of information and authority on supra-local maters, while in the supernatural area they are part of a con- tinuum between local spirits and those made familiar by the media.

Goody , which tends to disempower traditional storytellers Kitley , leading to a decline in storytelling at home AW Dawam Raharjo Novriantoni At is- sue here is the debate whether Islam in Indonesia should be considered as a cultural aspect of life for instance the Indonesianization of Islam or whether it should become an institutional part of society Wahid ; Kolaborasi Islam Although it has recently intensified in post-Soeharto Indonesia, this debate is actually not new and has been carried on since at least colonial times Baso In , however, the Cineplex had suc- cumbed to the combined pressures of the monetary crisis and the advent of VCD and DVD modes of viewing Tiket supermurah Even here, the presence of a respected narrator can inluence how messages are received, especially in situations where tele- vision or ilms are watched communally.

This can be a way for neighbours to socialize Hamilton , but it can also be a forum in which an opinion leader can elucidate his or her views. As television and VCD viewing become more common in individual homes, the immediate inluence of local opinion leaders gives way to that of the most respected member of the household and, of course, of the views that are expressed in the ilm or programme.

These, in turn, relect the interaction of numerous parameters, including those of the ilm and television industries and the restrictions to which these are subject, and, of course, local sensibili- ties, which they sometimes get wrong. Personal predilections or predispositions can, of course, further inluence this process, either positively or negatively.

In daily life, 46 These views may be publicly accepted, but away from the opinion leader they may later be rejected Ruby The restricting agents need not be local either, as Salman Rushdie Satanic verses and Theo van Gogh Submission found out to their respective inconvenience. In December they reported eight stations to the police for the same offence Pramudito , 7.

Dislodged tales this ongoing local discussion is the reference context for understanding both the realities and the mythologies that people encounter. This is the context in which matters like the meaning of the Queen, but also of religious and thus social and political matters, are clarified and understood Sen and Hill Here too, the Queen quickly becomes linked to local spirits Wessing b Myths and other stories reflect a specific kind of truth Fischer , being models of the world Bruner and also models for our continued construction of it.

As Sean Williams reminded me,49 the visual aspect of ilm plays an impor- tant role here, its impact being quite diferent from an oral rendering of the tale. The mediated versions do the reverse and remove the tales from the local and bring them into a national arena.

Thus, what the tale loses in local intimacy it gains in scope and impact. Thus the Sundel bolong opposes the gang that vic- timized her in life as does the kuntilanak in Kuntilanak; Harum sundal malam , and the religious leaders in many of the ilms join in the ight against disrup- tive forces like were-creatures and criminals — the later depicted as crude kasar and emotional in contrast with the imperturbable calm exuded by the religious leader.

In this way the ilms atempt to socialize their teenage viewers into becoming proper members of the state, the irst plank of whose national philosophy Pancasila is a belief in one God. The same per- son, however, would walk away or change the channel when the religious messages were laid on too thick for his taste.

As we have seen, these portrayals have litle to do with the role that these igures played locally, such as ensuring that ishermen get good catches or legitimizing the state. The only one relatively true to her original form is Nyi Blorong, but she too is made to denigrate the petitioners who come to her and, in some of the television ilms, has even become a benign igure.

They are also mediated by the inlu- ence of local and supra-local for instance televised religious igures. Both mediations make a single valuation of them diicult. As Heider , 52 During a return visit five months later, however, all three had drastically reduced their televi- sion viewing, devoting their time instead to sports, dolls, schoolwork, and in the case of the elder boy to a new-found job. These sites tend to disappear, however. Anita Ular Betina , ca.

Virgo Com- pact Disc, no website found. Anugerah Nyi Roro Kidul, ? Fadli, and Farida Pa- sha. Sido Film VCD, no website found.Metal objects, knives, or swords and lances are used as protection against her malign influence Sell As Headley Wanita Harimau. These ideas ind expression in beliefs about spirits and supernatural forces, both local and supra-local, even though there is an ongoing discussion between various adherents of Islam and proponents of modernity about how these phenomena should be regarded Wessing Nyi Blorong demands sexual satisfaction from men in return for wealth.

PhD dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, Philadel- phia. Ada 1 perubahan tertunda menunggu peninjauan.

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